Medieval Islamic Political Thought by Patricia Crone

Author:Patricia Crone
Language: eng
Format: epub
Publisher: Edinburgh University Press

1. The Imāmī imam was in hiding; the Zaydī imam obtains his position by making a daʿwa and khurūj, not by being enthroned by others.

2. Cf. Ibn al-Athīr, Kāmil, viii, 452f. (yr 334).

3. They had no religious motive (bāʿith dīnī) to respect them, as Ibn al-Athīr points out, ibid.

4. Hamdānī, Takmila, 211.

5. Ibish, Al-Baqillani, 45.

6. Busse, Chalif und Grosskönig, 420ff. and ‘The Revival of Persian Kingship’.

7. Aḥsan, 131.2.

8. Āthār, 132 = 129. They compare the caliph with the Jewish exilarch.

9. Above, 133.

10. Bosworth, Ghaznavids, 46.

11. Makdisi, ‘The Marriage of Ṭughril Beg’ and ‘Les rapports entre calife et sulṭân’; Bosworth, ‘Political and Dynastic History’, 101.

12. Ghiyāth, §§492ff., esp. 496, 499f.; cf. Nagel, Festung, 278f.

13. Below, note 93.

14. Pace Gibb (‘Al-Mawardi’s Theory’, in his Studies, 151). The chapters on imāma that one does find in fiqh works are about prayer leadership, not the ‘great imamate’.

15. The idea was first proposed by Gibb, ‘Al-Mawardi’s Theory’, 152f.

16. Though the original work is normally assumed to be Māwardī’s, rightly in my view, the problem awaits systematic treatment (cf. Little, ‘A New Look at al-Aḥkām al-Sulṭāniyya’).

17. Cf. the list in Mikhail, Politics and Revelation, 59f.

18. Ghiyāth, §§209, 303, cf. also §45.

19. For beginners, there is a useful translation of the relevant section from Baghdādī’s Uṣūl in Gibb, ‘Constitutional Organization’, 7ff. At a specialist level, see the richly documented study by Dumayjī, al-Imāma al-ʿuẓmā.

20. Cf. Nagel, Rechtleitung und Kalifat, et passim.

21. Cf. Crone and Hinds, God’s Caliph, 21, note 86.

22. Above, 139. Cf. Juwaynī, Ghiyāth, §206: in his opinion it was lawful for the caliph to designate his son as successor in his opinion, but this could not be decisively proved for lack of precedent, for the imamate had turned into mulk after the first four (who only designated peers, not sons).

23. Cf. above, 69, notes 8–10.

24. The expression is Juwaynī’s (Ghiyāth, §15). Similarly ʿAbd al-Jabbār, Mughnī, xx/1, 51. For further attestations, see Dumayjī, al-Imāma al-ʿuẓmā, 45f.

25. Ibn Qutayba, K. al-ʿarab, 374.6. Adherents of the rule were to find many more reasons for it, cf. the battery of proof-texts and arguments available to Dumayjī, who vigorously defends it (al-Imāma al-ʿuẓmā, 265ff.).

26. Dumayjī, al-Imāma al-ʿuẓmā, 275.

27. Ghiyāth, §§106–9, 438–9; cf. also his Irshād, 240 = 359; Hallaq, ‘Caliphs, Jurists and the Saljūqs,’ 38f.

28. Crone, ‘Ethiopian Slave’, 63ff.; add Simnānī, Rawḍat, i, §40 (some aṣḥāb al-ḥadīth).

29. Al-Qāhir, al-Muttaqī, and al-Mustakfī.

30. Sufficiently to be accepted as a witness in court (e.g. Baghdādī, Uṣūl, 277; tr. Gibb, ‘Constitutional Organization’, 9).

31. Dumayjī, al-Imāma al-ʿuẓmā, 248, with dissenting voices at p. 250.

32. Simnānī, Rawḍa, i, §35. For the Muʿtazilite view of the imam as a teacher, see above, 66, note 6; for the Muʿtazilite who taught him kalām, see below, note 97.

33. For a concrete example, see Nasawī, Sīra, 52, where the Khwārizmshāh accuses the Caliph al-Nāṣir of keeping members of the ʿAbbāsid family in jail for so long that they were procreating there: the response is that if the caliph’s ijtihād led him to conclude that the incarceration of some would benefit all, then their incarceration was justified.

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